Burma in Indian History

Myanmar, a country that is historically still known as Burma. A country that is double the size of Rajasthan, slightly smaller than Texas, and can fit two Germany(s) inside, is the largest country in Southeast Asia. A country that was once part of British India for five decades and has the burial site of the subcontinent's last Mughal Emperor—Bahadur Shah Zafar. A country whose history is overlooked and ignored in the chapters of Indian history, even though it was an important wing of the nation for 113 years - slightly over one whole century - was a crucial front during World War II’s Indian battlefields, and held close ties with medieval Indian kingdoms. This post shall deep dive into the questions that are never asked and the answers no one needs to know.

If one looks at the various events that took place in 19th-century India, the whole subcontinent was changing at every such moment. The British forces, with their classic method of assisting the oppressed royalties to fight against the oppressors, thus bringing both under the blanket of the British Empire, were working remarkably well, be it in the Punjab region, Sindh, Assam, or Burma. They would help disputed figures among various South Asian dynasties, pretend to assist them and become their saviors, and then engulf both the victim and bully under their so-called 'protection' or, as it is known in political terminology—suzerainty. And so, when Manipur and Assam were under Burmese invasion by the Konbaung dynasty, with Assam, the East India Company saw this as a marvelous opportunity to intervene, divide, and take over not just the entire Brahmaputra Valley but also annex Burmese states to permanently keep a check on the rising French to the east and the Chinese in the north. But while the English were scheming, weren’t the locals aware of this advancement? Weren’t they cautioned or alarmed by the changing politics of their regions, that too at the hands of a foreign power who had little to nothing to do with their internal matters? There might have been certain individuals who tried warning the locals about what the future might look like. They might have been aware of the British takeover of the Mughals and Marathas and may have warned them of the bigger enemy. With that thought, there would have been several such unknowns who would have anticipated the upcoming wrath of the colonizers, but the surroundings didn’t bother to pay much attention as they were engaged with the short-term benefits they were getting.

Yar Kyaw or Saya San
Leader of the Saya San Rebellion (1930-32)
(1876-1931)

It's interesting to note that throughout the 113-year period, Burmese revolutionaries wanted Burma’s independence from the British, not aimed at the independence of India as a whole. A justified cause, as Burma was technically an independent sovereign, got into British Indian territory through politics. The Indian National Congress, India's sole representative in politics, didn't take any significant part in Burma's freedom struggle, although there were occasional revolutionary activities in Burma against the British. Names such as Saya San, U Ottama, and U Wisara played key roles in Burma's independence struggle. Some Indian revolutionaries, particularly those influenced by socialist and nationalist ideals, supported Burmese nationalists against the British. Indian laborers and businessmen in Burma also sympathized with the movement, as they too suffered under colonial rule. However, the Indian National Congress did not actively participate in Burma’s independence movement. This was partly because Burma was never fully integrated into India’s national consciousness, despite being governed as part of British India for 113 years.

One reason why Burma's independence struggle is largely absent from Indian history books is that India itself was undergoing rapid political and social changes during the same period. The nationalist focus was on resisting British rule within India, and Burma, despite its historical connection, was seen as a separate struggle. When Burma was separated from India in 1937, the political ties weakened further, and by the time both nations achieved independence, their paths had completely diverged. In fact, not just the Congress, but even the Muslim League had sidelined Burma when, in 1948, a section of the Rohingya Muslim community suggested offering the Mayu region (a Muslim pocket close to Chittagong) to East Pakistan along with a call since 1946 to join the upcoming nation. The Muslim League leader Mohammad Ali Jinnah himself dismissed the plea, maintaining a strict non-interference policy in Burmese matters.

By the 1930s, there was a considerable number of the Indian diaspora (about 7% of the total Burmese population) in Burma, particularly in the Rangoon region. The increase in population was also one of the key reasons for the country's separation, as it had resulted in numerous clashes between the Indians and native Bamar communities. The 1930 Rangoon and Maymyo (Pyin Oo Lwin) riots and the 1938 clashes at Surti Bazaar, a Muslim neighborhood of Rangoon, made it quite evident that Burma didn’t encourage much warmth toward the increasing Indian population. And that’s primarily because the country had been forcefully annexed, and so when in 1941–42, Japanese aggression had reached the easternmost wing of British India, it was time for Indians to leave. Similar to the migration between India and Pakistan, the departing Indians from Burma had to face brutal hardships, risking their lives at the hands of the merciless Japanese, fleeing over hundreds of miles of Burmese territories, and settling in Assam and Bengal provinces of India. Adding to this, when in early 1941 Indians did try to migrate, the British, fearing they might lose a good number of laborers for their administration, set a blockade at a place called Taungup, a small harbor close to Ramree Island from where there were plans to put Indians onboard for sailing to Calcutta. The blockade was lifted in 1942 as the bigger threat, the Japanese, had distracted the British, and eventually, Indians had to move back to their homeland, a migration that got overshadowed by an even more gruesome chapter of Indian history—the partition of India.

Mona Chandravati Gupta
(1896-1984)

But for the time it was part of India, several famous personalities had Burmese cities as their hometowns. The First Lady of India to the 10th President K.R. Narayanan, Mrs. Usha Narayanan (born as Tint Tint), was born in 1922 in the Burmese town of Yamethin, close to Mandalay. Mona Chandravati Gupta, founder of various pre-independent NGOs such as Zeanan Park League (1931) and Women Social Service League (1936), later to be merged together post-1947 as Nari, was born in Yangon (or Rangoon) in 1896. Popular Indian actress Helen Ann Richardson, or popularly known as simply Helen, was born in Rangoon in 1938, the same year Burma separated from British India.

Thibaw Min
Last King of the Konbaung Dynasty 
(1859-1916)

As we all know, the last Mughal Emperor, Bahadur Shah Zafar, took his last breath in Rangoon on November 7, 1862. Interestingly, the last King of the Konbaong Dynasty (which itself was the last ruling dynasty of Burma), Thibaw Min, died in the Indian city of Ratnagiri on December 16, 1916. And the coincidence doesn’t really end here; both Kings were sent to a distant land in exile by the British, where they spent their last days. This is just a poetic coincidence that sounds romantic, strange, and fascinating to believe.

This omission of Burma in Indian history reflects a larger issue—how easily historical narratives are shaped by what a country chooses to remember. The shared past between India and Burma, which includes colonial rule, migration, and wartime cooperation, has faded from public memory. Perhaps because once borders were drawn, both nations chose to look inward rather than backward. Today, the situation between India and Burma, or Myanmar, is, if not too complicated, not too simple as well.

The Heroes of Bijapur (Vijayapura)

Gol Gumbaz, built 
during the 17th century 

One of the key Islamic Sultanates of the Deccan in the post-medieval era was the Bijapur Sultanate, which expanded its reign throughout Maharashtra and Karnataka and lasted for almost 200 years between 1496 and 1686. With the fall of the Deccan Sultanates, Bijapur gradually came under various regimes—the Mughals, the Marathas, and the British. However, the English chapter of Bijapur remains largely unheard of, as the focus of colonial history shifts to harbor towns, with the 1857 revolt acting as a launchpad for popular revolutionary stories. Nevertheless, anti-colonial revolutionary stories from the Deccan and further south have existed since the arrival of the Portuguese in the late 15th century. While Karnataka has produced some of the finest heroes—kings, queens, and freedom fighters—who dedicated themselves to defending the nation and their home territories, the district of Bijapur also has certain names worth remembering. This post will highlight four such individuals from Bijapur district who devoted themselves to the service of Mother India and whose names have been forgotten in Indian history.

A Prabhat Pheri during the Civil
Disobedience
Movement of the 1930s
Photo uploaded by Abhilash Kolluri
on Researchgate

During the freedom movement of the 1930s and 40s, the concept of 'Prabhat Pheri' was a common sight in mobilizing locals for peaceful marches against British tyranny. During these marches, slogans were raised, and pamphlets were distributed among the masses, gathering them for public meetings and motivating them to participate in the freedom struggle. This seemingly small yet highly impactful activity spread throughout the nation, often leading to arrests and deportation to jails. Encouraged by Gandhi, this spread of information helped connect locals with freedom fighters and strengthened their support, which was essential in advancing the cause. The British even warned Gandhi to stop the Pheris as they involved musical performances with instruments, starting from the early morning hours, which the colonial rulers found to be a 'nuisance.' One such activist from a small village called Managuli in Bijapur was Basavantappa Siddappa Guddada, a grocery seller and an excellent accountant. He actively participated in the Non-Cooperation Movement, burning foreign goods and breaking tobacco pipes. Upon his arrest, he was imprisoned in Central Prison, Bijapur, and later transferred to Yerawada Jail. Eventually, he was released on August 15, 1947, along with the remaining political prisoners who had been incarcerated during British rule.

Although this may not be a grand heroic story, the fact that people from remote villages actively participated in the freedom movement posed as big a threat to the British Empire as the Congress and revolutionaries did. At that time, Bijapur district fell under the jurisdiction of the Bombay Presidency and was bordered by numerous small princely states under the Deccan States Agency. These states, now scattered across Solapur, Kolhapur, Sangli, Belagavi (Belgaum), Bagalkot, and Vijayapura (Bijapur) districts in Maharashtra and Karnataka, included Akalkot, Jamkhandi, Jath, Aundh, Mudhol, Miraj (Senior and Junior), Daflapur, Kurundwad (Senior and Junior), Sangli, Wadi, and others. These princely states had a neutral stance during the 1857 rebellion and remained largely indifferent during the 1930s and 40s freedom movement. Having a neighboring district actively involved in the independence movement was, therefore, a remarkable achievement.

The village of Masabinala produced another patriot, Balappa Narasappa Bhosagi, who actively participated in the freedom movement of the 1930s. He took part in burning the Jumanala railway station in Bijapur, an act of protest that disrupted British commerce. Burning railway and bus stations and cutting down trees to block roads were common strategies used to sever transport links and disrupt British trade, which heavily relied on these networks. Balappa was arrested and sent to the Central Prison of Bijapur in 1932.

Govinddas Mannulal Shroff

Govindbhai Shroff, also known as Govinddas Mannulal Shroff, was another prominent figure from Bijapur who played a crucial role in liberating the Marathwada region from Nizam's rule during Operation Polo in 1948. The state of Hyderabad was surrounded by Indian forces, all aiming to free it from Nizam’s domination and integrate it into the Indian Union. Govindbhai, among others, motivated and encouraged the residents of Marathwada—including Aurangabad (Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar), Osmanabad (Dharashiv), Beed, Parbhani, and Nanded—to take up arms against the Nizam's Razakar army.

Kaloji Narayana Rao

Another powerful tool in the freedom movement was the power of the pen. Poets, authors, composers, and writers who awakened the masses and urged them to join the struggle against colonial rule have existed since time immemorial, not just in India but wherever colonization occurred. The southern Indian states of Karnataka, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and even Puducherry have demonstrated time and again that their literature played an irreplaceable role in the anti-imperial movement. Figures such as Purandara Dasa (1480-1564, from Shimoga/Shivamogga, Karnataka), Vadiraja Tirtha (1480-1600, from Udupi, Karnataka), Kshetrayya (1600-1680, from Krishna district, Andhra Pradesh), Thunchaththu Ramanujan Ezhuthachan (15th-16th century, Malappuram, Kerala), and Pillai Perumal Iyengar (17th century, around Madurai) used religious devotion ('bhakti') as a tool to foster community resistance against invaders. This tradition continued during British rule. From Bijapur itself, a poet and freedom fighter named Kaloji Narayana Rao emerged, actively participating in Hyderabad’s freedom struggle against the Nizam in the 20th century. His poem 'Nizam Nawab' criticized the authoritarian rule of Nizam Mir Osman Ali Khan and warned of his downfall if he ignored the people's demand for independence. His sharp criticism led to his arrest, but his primary mission remained spreading literacy and education to empower people to speak out against tyranny.

The riots in Hyderabad State after India's independence in 1947 affected the neighboring regions in the Bombay State, particularly the districts of Osmanabad (Dharashiv), Bidar, Nanded, and Beed. These events had repercussions in the bordering districts of Gulbarga and Bijapur, although no direct conflicts were reported there. However, the suffering of the people during the 1947-48 period deeply impacted freedom fighters in neighboring states.

Politically, Bijapur underwent several transformations after independence. The Deccan States Agency became the United Deccan States, which merged with Bombay State in 1948, bringing Jamkhandi and Mudhol under Bijapur. In 1956, the reorganization of states on linguistic lines transferred Bijapur to the Kannada-majority state of Mysore (later Karnataka). In 1966, there was an exchange of villages between Bijapur, Satara, and Belgaum. In 1997, Bagalkot was carved out as a separate district. Finally, in 2014, Bijapur was renamed Vijayapura. In 2023, a proposal to rename Vijayapura as Basaveshwara, after the 12th-century social reformer born in the district, was put forth. However, this proposal remains under discussion, receiving mixed reviews from various political parties.

The Aden Province of British India (1839 to 1937)

At its height, British India stretched across an immense 5 million square kilometres, covering what are today Yemen, Iran, Qatar, Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Malaysia, and Singapore. This vast dominion, politically consolidated under British rule, remained a cultural melting pot—home to over 180 spoken languages and eight major religions. It wasn't just a landmass; it was a civilisation in itself, blending Hindustani, Dravidian, Arabic, Persian, Mandarin, and Austronesian influences into one of the most diverse territories in history.

One of its westernmost frontiers, Aden, was an integral part of British India for 98 years, from 1839 to 1937. The city, located at the southern tip of the Arabian Peninsula, eventually became the most important port in the region, but centuries before that, Mocha (Al-Makha) had been the center of Red Sea trade. Kingdoms like Qataban, Himyar, the Ziyadids, Rasulids, and Tahirids thrived due to Mocha’s influence before the Ottomans and later the British took over. Over time, Aden eclipsed Mocha, reducing the latter’s global relevance to just the name of a coffee. Today, Yemeni coffee is still grown in regions like Bani Matar, Yafa, Haraz, and Aden, continuing the legacy of Mocha’s past glory.

But how did Aden rise to prominence and become significant enough for the British to annex it into India? The answer lies in the Carnatic Sultanate and a shipwreck.

AI created image of a shipwreck

In December 1836, the 220-ton ship Daria Dawlat left Calcutta under the command of Sayyid Nur al-Din, a veteran sailor returning from illness. The ship, chartered by an Arab merchant from Mocha, Firuz Edoor, carried rice, sugar, goods, and a few pilgrims. Right from the start, disputes arose—Firuz Edoor demanded extra freight payments, which were refused by the Begum of Carnatic’s agent, Luchmee Pursad. Firuz retaliated by replacing key crew members, demoting Nur al-Din, and appointing new officers who lacked his expertise.

Shortly after setting sail, the ship deviated from its planned route. Instead of passing through the Palk Strait toward Ceylon, the new officers redirected it east toward the Andaman Islands, raising suspicions. Nur al-Din protested but was ignored. After stopping at Alleppey and Cochin to pick up more cargo and passengers—including Singaporean merchant Sayyid Tipu and his family—the overloaded vessel set off for Jiddah (modern-day Jeddah, Saudi Arabia).

On February 7, 1837, disaster struck. Due to a combination of mismanagement and sabotage, the ship ran aground on a reef. Panic set in as officers failed to act, and when rescue efforts began, chaos ensued. Some lifeboats capsized, drowning crew members. Worse still, local Adeni vessels looted the wreck instead of offering aid. Left with no choice, survivors led by Nur al-Din and Tipu constructed a makeshift raft and struggled to shore.

Their detailed depositions—preserved in Bombay—paint a vivid picture of mid-19th-century maritime trade, corruption, and human resilience. The Daria Dawlat disaster shook British maritime confidence in the Arabian Sea. While not the sole reason for annexing Aden, it certainly reinforced the British East India Company's resolve. Two years later, in 1839, the British struck a deal with the Sultan of Lahej (a tiny Yemeni state close to Aden), securing Aden as a British outpost under the Bombay Presidency. The goal? Strengthen trade routes between India and Africa while further securing British dominance in the Arabian waters.

For almost a century, while India fought for independence, Aden remained an overlooked yet crucial part of British India. The city witnessed reports of the 1857 Revolt, Gandhi’s return from South Africa, the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, Bhagat Singh’s rise and execution, and nearly every major independence movement—except the Quit India Movement—before its eventual separation in 1937.

Vasudev Balwant Phadke

Today, Aden is no longer the capital of Yemen, and its economy has suffered due to prolonged conflict. Yet its deep-rooted ties with India persist. Two of India’s most famous businessmen, Dhirubhai Ambani and Mukesh Ambani, have direct links to Aden—the former worked there in the 1950s before moving to India, and the latter was born there in 1957. Independence activist Vasudev Balwant Phadke, one of Maharashtra’s earliest graduates and the founder of the Poona Native Institution (established in 1860; now Maharashtra Education Society), was exiled to an Aden prison after being captured for leading anti-British raids in the Bombay region. He died in Aden in 1883.

The map shown here dates back to 1914, capturing Aden at a time when it was still a thriving part of British India.

Early Inmates at Kaala Paani, Port Blair

In 1857, while the northern provinces of India—primarily the Northwestern Provinces and Oudh, which largely correspond to modern-day Uttar Pradesh—rose against the atrocities of the East India Company, much of the rest of India remained relatively silent. Several regions stayed neutral or actively supported the British. The Nizam's territory of Hyderabad was one such loyalist region. However, despite official allegiance to the British, Hyderabad witnessed two isolated sparks of rebellion: one in Paithan district and the other in Hyderabad city itself. The story of Hyderabad’s revolt is both unique and heroic, yet long forgotten. Moreover, it is closely tied to one of the darkest chapters of colonial Indian history—the Cellular Jail, or Kala Pani, at Port Blair.  

Construction of Cellular Jail - 19th century
Source: Wikipedia

Although the Cellular Jail’s final inauguration took place in 1906, an earlier version of the prison, equally harsh and inhumane, existed long before. The British first colonized the Andaman Islands in 1789. Observing the island’s remote and hostile environment, coupled with the presence of native tribes like the Great Andamanese, Onge, Jarawa, and Sentinelese, they deemed it a perfect site for exiling “notorious criminals” as per their definition. However, throughout the 18th century, the Andaman Islands remained sparsely developed, with minimal infrastructure near Chatham Island, just a few kilometers from the mainland.  

Austrian imperial flag - 18th century

The Revolt of 1857 changed the British perspective on the islands. Fearing future mutinies, they focused on transforming these abandoned islands into a penal colony to isolate and crush revolutionaries. This marked the beginning of the Kala Pani era. While the world often remembers the indigenous displacement in the Americas, Africa, and Australia at the hands of European colonizers, a similar cruelty unfolded on Indian soil in the Andaman Islands. After suppressing the 1857 Revolt and executing or exiling many freedom fighters to Nepal, the British transported the remaining rebels to the brutal and unforgiving Andaman Islands. Interestingly, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands had been contacted by European colonizers even before the British invasion. One notable attempt came from the Austrian East India Company in the late 18th century. Operating out of Trieste (now part of Italy), the company briefly established a presence on the Nicobar Islands between 1778 and 1783, but internal rivalries and opposition from more dominant European powers in India and Africa, such as the British, French, Dutch, and Portuguese, led to their downfall.  

Subsequently, the Nicobar Islands came under Danish control. Denmark, which maintained trade factories on India’s southern coast, remained largely neutral during the European conflicts in India. In 1868, after the British Crown took control of India from the East India Company, the Danish sold the Nicobar Islands to the British, who then incorporated them with the Andaman Islands into a unified penal colony. This move laid the groundwork for the infamous Cellular Jail in Port Blair.  

The story of Hyderabad’s revolt connects directly to this chapter of history, as two of its key figures—Maulvi Allauddin and Turrebaz Khan—became some of the earliest prisoners sent to Kala Pani.  During the 1857 Revolt, the Nizam of Hyderabad, Mir Tahniyath Ali Khan (Afzal-ud-Daula, Asaf Jah V), remained a staunch British ally, pledging his state’s loyalty to the Company. While the rebellion spread like wildfire across Delhi, Meerut, and Barrackpore, the Nizam ensured it did not influence his territories. Among the 12 princely states that actively supported the revolt, Shorapur (or Surapura, now in Karnataka), a vassal of Hyderabad, stood out.  

AI image of Turrebaaz Khan in action

The British ordered the Hyderabad Contingent’s    3rd Cavalry, stationed in Buldhana (modern-day Maharashtra), to march toward Delhi to suppress the rebellion. This order triggered a mutiny led by Jemadar Cheeda Khan. Hoping for the Nizam’s support, Cheeda Khan marched toward Hyderabad, unaware of the Nizam’s loyalty to the British. Upon reaching the city, Cheeda Khan was immediately arrested, sparking protests. Turrebaz Khan, a sepoy, and Maulvi Allauddin, a cleric, organized a rebellion to free Cheeda Khan. They mobilized a group of revolutionaries and targeted the British Residency in Koti, Hyderabad. Several locals, including moneylenders Abban Sahab and Jaigopal Das, supported the cause, providing shelter and resources. However, the uprising was crushed by the Nizam’s forces, backed by the British and led by Mir Turab Ali Khan, the royal minister. Turrebaz Khan and Maulvi Allauddin narrowly escaped the battle. Eventually, they were captured on the basis of a tip-off, with Turrebaz Khan refusing to disclose the whereabouts of Maulvi Allauddin. Turrebaz Khan was arrested on July 22, 1857, and Maulvi Allauddin soon followed. Both were imprisoned in Hyderabad before being sentenced to Kala Pani.  

Turrebaz Khan, however, attempted an escape in 1859. After a brief manhunt, he was captured and executed publicly in the city’s bazaar. Maulvi Allauddin, meanwhile, was transported to the Andaman Islands in the same year, becoming one of the first prisoners of the Kala Pani. Joining him were Fazal-Haq-Khairabadi (Khairabad, Uttar Pradesh), Musai Singh, Liaqat Ali (Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh), Bhima Naik (Barwani, Madhya Pradesh), and Gilgar Dhobe, all prominent revolutionaries of the 1857 rebellion. Fazal-Haq-Khairabadi, a scholar from Khairabad, issued a fatwa against the British and called for jihad against the East India Company. He was transported to the Cellular Jail on March 10, 1858.  

Over 80,000 Indians were deported to the Cellular Jail between 1857 and 1947, of which approximately 600 were freedom fighters. During the Japanese occupation of the Andaman Islands (1942–1945), the jail became a site of even greater atrocities. The Japanese imprisoned and executed suspected British spies and anti-Japanese Indians. In 1942, they carried out the infamous Homfreygunj Massacre, killing 44 Indians.  

The Cellular Jail is now a symbol of India’s struggle for independence. Its walls echo the sacrifices of countless revolutionaries and remind us of the brutalities endured under colonial rule. Even when the name Port Blair is officially changed to Sri Vijaya Puram, the Cellular Jail Museum stands as a historical site, honouring the memory of those who fought for India’s freedom and suffered unimaginable hardships in the process.  

1857 : Rajputana's Rebellion

When we talk about Rajasthan or Rajputana, the first thing that comes to our mind are the great Rajput warriors such as Prithviraj Chauhan, Rana Sanga or Maharana Pratap. For those who are well-versed with history, know the numerous Rajput-Maratha battles that had plagued Rajputana for over three decades. But rarely we talk about the wars led on the British Empire from the heartland of Rajputana. Administratively, except the Ajmer-Merwara as the single British province in the middle of Rajputana, the remaining Princely States were independent of British administration, but had their loyalty aligned with them nevertheless. But there still existed some clashes with the Englishmen in the 19th century by various Rajput warriors, about which this post shall briefly talk about. 

In the 19th century, today's Rajasthan was divided into the following Princely States (except Ajmer as that was a British province):

1. Beekaneer (Bikaner)
2. Jessulmere (Jaisalmer)
3. Joudpore or Marwar (Jodhpur)
4. Serohee (Sirohi)
5. Boondee (Bundi)
6. Kotah (Kota)
7. Jeypore (Jaipur)
8. Shekawuttee (Shekhawati)
9. Alwur (Alwar)
10. Bhurtpore (Bharatpur)
11. Banswara
12. Dholpoor (Dholpur)
13. Doongerpore (Dungarpur)
14. Kerowlee (Kirauli; earlier administrated by British, later declared as PS)
15. Kishengurh (Kishangarh)
16. Pertabgurh (Pratabgarh)
17. Tonk (enclaves at various places; earlier administrated by British, later declared as PS)

During the 1857 rebellion, the states of Jaisalmer, Shekhawati and Kishangarh remained neutral, and it was only Marwar or Jodhpur that was in conflict with the British, with other states remaining loyal to the colonists. But in the same year, when the revolution had burnt the entire North Indian belt, a Jodhpur noble Kushal Singh Champawat rebelled agains the British East India Company. 

In the Marwar Junction tehsil of Pali district, there exists a village by the name of Auwa. A nobleman Thakur Kushal Singh Champawat, who gathered Thakurs from neighbouring thikanas and villages - Asop, Bajawas, Gular, Alniawas, Abu - and formed a single fighting unit that fought against the British in the village of Auwa. This pattern of gathering alliances and forming singular unit to fight against imperial forces was a norm back in the days of the Raj. This pattern was important as it would make each other realise the depth of damage Raj had done to their lives, not just communities and economy. Keeping differences aside, thikanas, talukas, kasba, parishads, etc. would unite and display a strong show of combined forces that bit by bit hammered cracks in the British imperialism. Moreover, this alliance was also needed to break the myth of certain royalties that the colonisers were their 'friends' and that they are here to fulfil their promises of giving unprecedented suzerainty. 

The British had introduced the concept of subsidiary alliance, where the British wanted the Indian states to accept their authority unquestioned, pay to station and take care of their troops, in return of promising security against enemy states. For many, this was accepted. But for those this wasn't as they demanded totality in their freedom. And thus, the rebellion was about independence at its core. But even for those who accepted the alliance with British, they were tied to each other with a deeper loyalty - LAND. This loyalty was difficult to crack and the British got the taste of their own medicine at many times. Hence, not just during 1857, but at other events when the British assumed they would simply dictate their commands over their subordinates, they would obey and fight with fellow Indians, they would be proven wrong gloriously. This happened when during the rebellion, Takht Singh, the final ruler of Himmatnagar (or Ahmednagar) was commanded by the EIC to charge and crush Kushal Singh's forces, he approached to take support of fellow Rajputs and Rathores. But the royalties refused to help a foreigner and didn't give their support to Takht Singh, resulting into a decisive victory of Kushal Singh's forces over the British. Moreover, a certain Captan Mason, was hung up by Kushal Singh in front of a fort gate, symbolising the death of imperialism by the hands of Rajputs. It was a first experience of anti-British sentiments in Rajputana, that sadly will dwindle after this. 

Similar experience British faced a few decades ago, when in 1805, the ruler Maharaja Ranjit Singh of Bharatpur switched sides and fought against the British. A combined force of Jats and Marathas together fought against the British troops and even defeated them, which was another brave display of unity in diversity, and a slap on the face of 'divide and rule' policy of the British. So in a way, the British indirectly united us and gave a strong sense of common purpose - INDEPENDENCE. 

Kushal Singh Champawat (Rathore)  

This practice of forming a confederation of states to fight against the British forces wasn't something new that had started in Rajputana. Similar examples we can see when Marathas united to fight against the Mughals, or Vijayanagara Empire allied with smaller kingdoms against Bahmani Sultanate or even the Mysore Kingdom joined hands with the rival Hyderabad against the European forces. But such tactics dwindled in front of the military and diplomatic superiority of the British and soon, such calls of revolution were suppressed. This was also supported by the lack of will to fight against colonialism in Rajputana, hence only fragments of rebellions here and there took place in the state. But nevertheless, warriors such as Kushal Singh Champawat would still be credited in the downfall of the East India Company in the subcontinent. 

Kushal Singh didn't just fight in Auwa. His main intention to form a conglomeration of rulers was for marching to Delhi, supporting their allegiance to the last dying Mughal Emperor - Bahadur Shah Zafar - and to unite everyone under his command against the East India Company. A wave of revolutionaries were gathering at the Red Fort, and hence this march was highly important. At the British intervention, a battle was fought at Bithoda (in Pali district) and another one at Auwa. But a 30,000 British contingent sent from Nasirabad Cantonment (in Ajmer district) weakened the Rathore forces and the march was never completed. 

Nevertheless, this act of defiance against colonists is still celebrated and rejoiced in Rajasthan, for that one single contribution from within the heartland of Rajputana gave enough hope to the thousands marching elsewhere, thus crushing the EIC to it's knees.  

Warriors of Northeast India

Whenever the topic of northeast India arises, there's largely ignorance among mainland Indians. The convenient reasons to this ignorance points to the isolated geography of the seven states (eight, if you consider Sikkim) but the actual reasons are simply lack of willingness to learn. This logic applies to the island Union Territories of Andaman-Nicobar and Lakshadweep, and all these regions are seen merely as a refreshment breakaway for its scenic beauties by those who vaguely attempt, at least. The political knowledge of any NE state by mainland Indians, is still questionable and that's a concern we should address. 

When the British started occupying territories of the northeast with the sole intention of annexing in the Assam province in the 19th century, various treaties were being sealed with the native tribes. Major players such as the Ahoms, Nagas, Khasi, Garo, Kuki, Jaintia, Meitei, Lushai, Sema and Mikir and a series of minor ones such as Rongmei, Hmar, Mishing, Chakma etc. played their key roles in resisting the British invasions. Some supported, others protested and the beautiful Brahmaputra valley and the Shillong plateau were in flames, leading to several notable revolutionaries and landmark events that embodied the freedom struggle from this region. But sadly, the mainland India is unaware of such sacrifices and these names were superseded by the larger political force of the Indian National Congress, all throughout the succeeding 20th century. 

Assam province in 1857

While the 1857 Indian War of Independence is largely assumed as the starting point against British resistance, it's inaccurate with regard to being as the 'first' one in the series of anti-British resistance. Several native states and kingdoms had long ago battled the British that kept the colonisers on their toes and thus states such as Khasi Hills, Tripura and Manipur were able to retain their status of Princely States, while the larger province of Assam came under British administration. The Anglo-Khasi War (1829-1833, Meghalaya), the Angami rebellion (1832-1879, Nagaland), the Lushai expedition (1871-1872, Mizoram), the Jaintia revolt (1860-1862, Meghalaya), the Kuki rebellion (1917-1919, Manipur) are few names among the various stories of valour and glory. These fights took place for various reasons, with colonial interference in the native ecosystem being the primary underlying common factor. 

U Tirot Sing Syiem led the Khasi rebellion between 1829 to 1833, Maniram Dewan or Kalita Raja switched sides and conspired against the East India Company during the 1857 rebellion in Assam, U Kiang Nangbah protested against British taxation in Jaintia Hills, Lalunga (or Lalngura) led the Lushai expedition in today's Mizoram in 1871-72, Tikendrajit Singh and Kholachandra Singh fought bravely in the Anglo-Manipur War of 1891, etc. Names also appear during the 20th century such as Rani Gaidinliu, Jodonang, the various Kuki Chiefs etc. who kept the British on their toes and fought for their people, community and freedom. 

That was about the British. Now let's talk about Burma as that's another empire that had infected northeastern lands for centuries. Many of raids by Burmese kings has shaped the pre-colonial history of the northeast. For over six centuries, the gigantic Ahom dynasty decided the fate and politics of northeast India, although predominantly its geography was around the Brahmaputra valley. Names such as Lachit Borphukan, Chilarai (Sukladhwaja), Susenghphaa (Pratap Singha) etc. showed their valour and patriotism by maintaining the sovereignty of the Ahom Empire. The entire 16th century Ahoms resisted various invasions brought down by the Mughals and Hussain Shahis of Bengal and the rising Shans from Ava Kingdom of Burma who would engage in frequent skirmishes on the Kacharis and Chutiyas - another set of dynasties in Assam. But the period between 1817 to 1826 was when the Burmese broke the backbone of Ahom Empire by waging battles and wars, thus temporarily occupying Assam for a period of 11 years till the British took advantage and annexed the territory, making it as a British province. This was a turbulent times when Assam was weakened from both internal and external politics and even when some names such as Gomdhar Konwar did attempt to resist the British interference, it was too late and an undefeated dynasty crumbled to colonialism. 

Khasi States of Meghalaya

The administrative politics of NE India was treated like a joke by the British. On annexing Assam to the larger Bengal province in 1828, Assam's power headed to diminishing. The greater Bengal that stretched from Bihar to Assam and had pockets of Princely States such as Sikkim, Koch Bihar (misspelt as Cooch Behar), Tripura, Manipur and Khasi States. Such atrocious and audacious attempt of the British was protested by names such as Gomdhar Konwar and Piyoli Phukan, but the overwhelming British influence overpowered any attempt. Additionally, several chieftains and rulers had allied with both British and Burma, thus negating any attempt of resistance. And the annexation of Assam to Bengal was the last nail in the coffin where Bengali influence started to combine with the predominant Assamese culture, which was quite not welcomed by many. The 1905 partition of Bengal gave a new province in picture - East Bengal and Assam. 

But the partition was never welcomed and names such as Prabhat Chandra Baruah and the entire Assam Association protested strongly. Kamini Kumar Chanda and Abandti Nath Dutta from the Cachar Swadeshi Sabha played a pivotal role in spreading a sense of political awareness among people, strengthening their anti-colonial sentiments and motivating people to start a freedom struggle as the partition had it's intentions at all the wrong places. The protests proved to be a success when in 1911, the partition lines were revised as the British were forced to reconsider their disoriented deeds. Bihar and Orissa were clubbed into one province, Assam and Bengal were made two distinct provinces with clubbing Bengali districts into Bengal and Assamese into Assam. Thus, from Goalpara to Lakhimpur in the east, from Balipara and Sadiya in the north to Lushai Hills and Tripura in the south, and Sylhet to the Naga Hills, all were combined together under Assam Province with Khasi States, Manipur and Tripura being Princely states of Assam States. 

And as Assam got its political identity restored, here starts a full-fledged independence movement agains the British empire from Assam. In 1921, Assam branch of the INC was formed and names such as Tarun Ram Phukan and the future Chief Minister, Gopinath Bordoloi spearheaded the Non-Cooperation and Civil Disobedience movements along with the thousands of other. But as politics was changing on a party front, the border dispute of today's Arunachal Pradesh emerges in the early 20th century. The British were clashing with Tibetan forces in early 1900s and a treaty was signed at Simla in 1914, known as the Simla Convention, that demarcated the boundary between British Assam and Tibet, which is the external boundary of today's Arunachal Pradesh. The non-acceptance of this decision by Chinese authorities who deemed it to be untrue as they weren't taken into consideration while deciding, is the bone of contention between today's India and China. It's to be noted here that the British Empire had recognised Chinese suzerainty in Tibet in 1906, and yet didn't involve them in finalising boundary between India and Tibet, hence the sense of betrayal from the Chinese end. 

But while the boundaries were formed, the tribals of Sadiya and Balipara districts continued their protest against the British. In 1911, a British officer named Noel Williamson along with his subordinates were killed by the Apatani tribes of Ziro valley (today part of Lower Subansiri district, Arunachal Pradesh) and the skirmish was led by a villager by the name Jamoh. The reason for this skirmish was British interference and deliberate misuse of the tribal resources that had upset the latter. Factually, the mere intention of the British to forcefully annex Ziro valley and neighbouring hilly areas, was their fear of Russian dominance in Tibet and thus, expedition in India. This anti-Russian paranoia of British has created several border disputes in South Asia, something India is still enduring, when in fact, Russia had absolutely no interest in advancing anywhere close to the Indian frontiers. 

Assam province, 1947

Tripura or Hill Tipperah remained a princely state between 1809 to 1949. One major name that was responsible for the development of the state was Maharaja Bir Bikram Kishore Manikya Debbarman, who in the 20th century planned for reserving lands for indigenous people of Tripura, leading to the formation of TTAADC (Tripura Tribal Area Autonomous District Councils) decades after independence in 1984. In fact, there are several autonomous districts in states of NE India and the Union Territory of Ladakh that are reserved for the indigenous tribes and are administrated differently than the other states and UTs. 

There are several other names who have contributed in the freedom struggle in the various valleys and regions of northeast India, that are not well-known to the masses of non-NE India. But a major awakening and awareness is needed, either through press, or media or movies etc. And no better than the people of NE can do this by sharing pride of their culture and warriors among others. This post, is just a minor scratch as there is an earth of information hidden beneath the surface. 

The maps sketched here are sourced from Schwartzberg Digital South Asian Atlas, and the images are sourced from various. 

      

The Hunnic tribes in the Hindukush

The intersection of Afghanistan's Wakhan corridor, the southern hills of Tajikistan, the northern tip of Khyber-Pakhunkhwa province of Pakistan, and the Gilgit-Baltistan region of India's Union Territory of Ladakh has long stood as the threshold for countless invaders and rulers from various ethnicities. The Hindukush-Pamir realm has served as a gateway to a myriad of empires, each bringing with them diverse cultures—Buddhist, Hindu, and Islamic. In the Puranic verses, this region is called Nisadha, encompassing the valleys of Kuha (Kunhar River), Gauri, and Sindhu (Indus) rivers. Long before the Saffarids, Samanids, and Taharids populated the Afghan, Pakistani, and Tajik realms, smaller Vedic nations inhabited what was known as Uttara Parvat or Ashreya.

Kingdoms such as Taksasila, Rajapura, Simhapura, Kasmira, Parinotsa Udyana, Gandhara, Nagarahara, Lampa, Kapisa, and Bamiyana separated the Tushara or Tukhara kingdom from the Takka in the south—today's Punjab valley of Pakistan. These independent kingdoms were vibrant centers of Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, Jainism, Nestorian Christianity, Shamanism, and Animism. Yet the Hindukush valley has always been under threat due to its strategic location. As the Göktürks expanded in Central Asia and Maharajadhiraja Harshavardhana triumphed in the Indo-Gangetic plains, the Hindukush acted as a natural buffer of small kingdoms between these vast empires. Consequently, it was inevitable that any invader seeking to enter Indian lands would pass through these mountainous valleys. And so it was, during the pre-Islamic era, that the ferocious Hunas arrived. But who were these Hunas, and how did they come to these lands?

The cultural and philosophical exchanges that occurred with the Hunnic invasions were profound, leaving a mark that would last for centuries. Sanskrit and its dialects mixed with Bactrian, leading to the evolution of Dari in modern Afghanistan—a language deeply influenced by this fusion. Middle Persian, the language of the Sassanian Empire, mingled with Hunnic Bactrian and Sogdian, and traces of this hybrid language can still be found across Tajikistan, Iran, and Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Prakrit, widely spoken in the Hindukush, was also adopted by the Hunas.

Religious conversion and the destruction of places of worship during this period remain controversial topics, fraught with complexity. The prominent religions of the time—Buddhism, Shaivism, Zoroastrianism, and Manichaeism (a fusion of Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, and Christianity)—were impacted by the animistic Hunnic Shamanism and Tengerism, which led to the destruction of many Buddhist monasteries. Shaivism was particularly significant in this era, a time when Hinduism, as we know it today, had not yet fully formed. Devotees of Shiva often clashed with Vaishnavites, a rivalry that persisted into the 15th century. Despite these conflicts, religious syncretism thrived: Toramana (r. 493–515 AD) patronized Shaivism alongside local customs. The Buddhist art in Gandhara also exhibited Greek influences, spreading these artistic styles across other regions.

Among the Hunnic rulers, Toramana and his son, Mihirakula, are the most prominent. Toramana was relatively tolerant and adaptable, while Mihirakula's cruelty and barbarism hastened the decline of Hunnic rule. Worse still, their actions weakened the Gupta Empire, leading to territorial losses, disruptions in trade, and a decline in cultural influence. Yet the Hunnic invasions also devastated the Hindukush kingdoms, where the destruction of Buddhist monasteries tore at the socio-religious fabric of the region. This destruction created a void, one that was later filled by Islamic rulers. The smaller kingdoms, disunited and fragmented, were prime targets for the expanding Rashidun and Umayyad Caliphates. The remnants of the Kidarites and Hephthalites were unable to resist the Islamic onslaught that would come in the following centuries.

Further south, the chaos unleashed by Mihirakula in Malwa prevented rulers like Yashodharman from mounting a defense against future Islamic invasions. The Silk Route, once a thriving trade corridor from China to Turkey through Central Asia, was also disrupted by the Hunnic invasions. Towns in the Hindukush, once flourishing commercial hubs, saw their trade networks crumble, forever changing the landscape of culture and commerce in the region.

It is astounding to realize that the very tribe that shattered the backbone of the Hindukush states originated centuries earlier in today's Mongolia-Manchuri region. From the east, waves of invaders swept through the Hindukush, culminating in the arrival of Islam in the Afghan territories—a cultural boiling point that forever changed the fabric of Indian states.

Gunda Dhur and the Bastar Rebellion, 1910

There are more than 40 tribes in today's Chhattisgarh and more are the sub-groups of individual tribes, the largest being the Gonds. For centuries there have been a large social discontent among the non-tribal masses of the country and uncountable social atrocities have been laid by various imperial forces - either the British or Islamic royalists or the non-tribal population. And when it comes to anti-imperial revolts and revolutions, we tend to ignore the times when tribals picked up guns and raised their flags against injustice and cruelty. Our history books credits urban revolutionaries and those centred around political parties, but for centuries grassroots mutinies was what had kept the British forces on their toes. One such rebellion was the Bastar Rebellion of 1910. 

The year, 1910 was crucial for 20th century Indian history as it was just 5 years to an event orchestrated by the British that had brought the whole country together - the partition of Bengal. This was the first time the British had audaciously divided Indians on religious line at an administrative level, fortifying their 'divide and rule' policy that had triggered millions of Indians to rise up against the British. But this wasn't the reason for Bastar. The Indian Forest Act of 1878 was an inhumane British rule that restricted movement, trading and consumption of forest produces that was the main triggering point for the tribals to revolt. 

As the British took over the Nagpur State and carved out a major central Indian province of Central Provinces, they started taking over every bit of the forest lands in the region. The Abujmarh forests which are known as Dandakaranya in the epic Ramayana, came under the supervision of the British who monopolised it under various corporations manipulating trade of timber produces in return giving nothing to the tribal population. The taxes were high, and the labourers hired worked for free and were imposed with restrictions that were cruel and inhumane in nature. Adding to this was the range of famines Bastar had hit with, crumbling their livelihood to bare bones. The British exploited forest areas unabashedly and something had to done to voice out the pain and sufferings of these tribal groups. In the year when Bengal was partitioned, in 1905, more than 66% of the forest land was held by the provincial government centred at Nagpur, which made survival for the tribes even more difficult. 

The rebellion was carried out by two important names - the Diwan of Bastar, Lal KarendraSingh who got a popular support by the villagers and elected Gunda Dhur, a Duruva leader, to take charge of the rebellion. For months, the preparations took place where items such as spices, tree branches, chillies, earth were communicated among huts as a form of secret messages. A message that an earthquake or Bhumkal is about to happen and it's mandatory for everyone to participate in it. On the 6th of February 1910, the government buildings were attacked, schools were plundered, secret meetings were organised, weapons were organised and various areas of Bastar were conquered such as Geedam and Barsur. A widespread angst against the British and the hired zamindars were clearly being seen on grassroots level with so support of any political party which didn't came as a surprise to the British as several similar tribal rebellions have had happened in the past. And so, the British responded and it did respond in the most imperialist way. The British troops stationed at Chanda were called as backup and a lineup of troops were made to flagellate villagers those who participated in the mutiny and helped Gunda Dhur. The Diwan was arrested, deported and there wasn't any significant changes brought in the forest laws although it did get attention of the existing Indian National Congress party that time. But the rebellion did shape Bastar into a territory where the British would step into with caution. 

AI fictional image of Gunda Dhur 

The 1910 Bastar Rebellion and name of Gunda Dhur and Lal Karendra Singh are immortal in the heart of Chhattisgarhi population but this wasn't the first and the last rebellion against the British in Bastar. The region witnessed the first rebellion back in the 18th century ignited by the Halba tribe - a mutiny against the joint allied forces of British and the Marathas. The tribal rebellion was a major epicentre in the Chota Nagpur region initiated by various tribes such as the Bhils, Chero, Kharwar, Santhals, Khond, Bhumij etc. and the entire belt from Koriya-Chota Nagpur to Bastar became and hotbed for tribal revolution for centuries. Not just Chhattisgarh, but far-off states such as Tripura and the hill tracts of Chittagong, Naga and Lushai Hills in Bengal and Assam provinces saw several turbulences from the local tribes against the oppressed British forces. In fact, if we see the chronology of tribal rebellion, it occurred every single year throughout the 19th century, but with the overtaking of the Indian National Congress as the assumed sole mouthpiece of the independence movement. The tribal contribution gets sidelined even from history books post-independence but all across today's Odisha, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh, one can see people commemorating the sacrifices and heroic actions of their leaders. 

Names such as Gunda Dhur, the great Birsa Munda, Telanga Kharia, Rani Shiromani, Ganga Narayan Singh, Fateh Singh, the Pahariya Sardars etc. must be celebrated as equal to other revolutionaries and it's our moral duty to at least read up about them as much as we can. 

The Mauryas of Konkan - 7th century AD

Most of the naval battles along the coast of the Indian subcontinent came into light during the Maratha reign where various commanders, kings and warriors battled European forces across the coast of Konkan. Going back to the medieval era, the Chola Empire was a naval supremacy that battled forces all across the islands of Sri Lanka, Indonesia and coasts of Malaysia and SE Asia while having it's base in southern India. But if we go further back, at the time when Deccan or Dakkhin was bombarded with numerous Hindu empires and kingdoms, we see several odd naval battles of whom people are less-heard of. And it's surprising when the region talked about is about today's giant megapolis of India - Mumbai. 

As we all know, Mumbai came into picture mostly during the colonial era when the British developed it into a harbour. But much to their ignorance, the islands that comprise today's Mumbai, were once home to an ancient lineage of the Mauryas (or at least it is believed so) who existed on this tiny strip of Konkan between 4th to 7th centuries AD. The Maurya Empire had ended centuries ago and had nowhere linked to the islands of Mumbai, but it did exist here, on the tiny island of Gharapuri or how we famously know it as the Elephanta Island. 

The characters of this battle are the great Chalukya Dynasty's King Pulakeshin II and Suketuvarman of the Mauryas. Pulakeshin has displaced his uncle from the throne who was legally placed by his father, thus putting the entire Dakkhan in a chaos. Allegiances are rattled, allies have pulled their hands out, and there is a disruptive civil war across the country. The Kadambas, Alupas, Gangas, Kalabhiras, Pallavas, Vishnukundins, Matharas and Mauryas - entire stretch from western to eastern India needs to be brought under one bigger umbrella of the Chalukyas and no other than Pulakeshin can do this. For the entire tenure of his in the mid-7th century AD, Pulakeshin had to fight numerous battles and skirmishes to establish his dominance. And one of them, was the naval battle at Puri or Gharapuri, that got the Mauryas finally under his vassalage. 

But what was the need to do this? Why did Pulakeshin wanted to unite everyone under one Chalukyan blanket? For centuries, emperors and kings had always desired to have their dynasty be the single-ruling clan in the country. This dominating ambition is the root cause of every war, battle and successions. The core emotion drives from greed or else every kingdom would have prospered individually. Then the other factor is, of course, naval trade that lead to exploration - an ambition that has driven hundreds of kingdoms for centuries. The Southeast Asian lands were a fragmented city-states populated on Sumatra, Borneo, Java and Sulawesi islands of today's Indonesia. While the thin Kra isthmus was densely populated with Malay, Burmese and Thai origin states. Trading with them would give a lot of strength to Chalukyan economy and culture, for these states were Buddhist and Hindu in their natures. On the west, it would introduce the Chalukyas to trade with the great Rashidun Caliphate - the first Islamic Caliphate the world has ever seen. It would also have opened gates to strengthen ties with the Axum Empire of Ethiopia and Eritrea placing the Chalukyas as a centrepiece of trade, culture and commerce in whole of Asia. 

The Mauryas among all others, surprisingly, did stand a chance and although being an extremely small residual dynasty, did not easily surrendered. And so, Suketuvarman prepared for a battle against the mighty Chalukyas. And not on any mainland fortress, but at the island of Puri. Naval battle that too in the creeks and bays around the islands of Karanja and Nhava, comprising more than 10,000 villages, was a bigger challenge for Pulakeshin as the Mauryas had survived his father Kirttivarman's attack years ago. The Mauryans put up a tough fight and their fleet of gigantic triremes looked like a herd of 100 elephants marching. The fight went on for days and at one point Pulakeshin was indeed worried about making a safe exit from the harbours. An additional fleet was called from Gove-Gopakapattana (Goa) to backup Chalukyan force, which is when Suketuvarman felt overpowered. And at this time, Suketuvarman called on his allied forces of the Bhojas (belonging to Chandrapura or Chandor, Goa) that were stationed at Surparaka (Nallasopara) who rushed to help their Mauryan allies. And the battle intensified for days but this time more than the maritime strength of the two forces, it was the geography of the islands that possessed a major challenge to the battle. 

As the fact goes, the harbours at Puri, Nhava and Karanja were not as hospitable as they are now. There were shallow waters, rocky coastline, extreme monsoon winds much stronger than today creating stronger gusts making it difficult to control ships. The vessels suffered heavy losses as being too close to the shore and larger vessels faced difficulties in entering the coast. On top of that, a range of marine attackers such as crocodiles, sharks, stingrays and land animals such as leopards, venomous reptiles and snakes and mosquito infested vegetation created another set of obstacles during the battle. Even if someone comes out alive from such harsh inhumane conditions, it would have been a bigger victory nevertheless. 

Towards the end of the battle, the Mauryan-Bhoja alliance weakened and although they fought bravely, the time taken for the help to arrive from the allied stations slowed down the fight. The Mauryans were well-equipped but it was a matter of time that the Chalukyan forces toppled their joint efforts. Suketuvarman succumbed to defeat but was spared on the condition that both Mauryas and Bhojas shall pay their vassalage to the Chalukyas. Pulakeshin was thus able to mend the chaos in the Aparanta - from Bharukaccha to Konkana, bringing all under the Chalukyan supremacy.  

And thus, after the battle, the lingering Mauryan clan on the Konkan coast vanished and was soon taken over the Chalukyas who ruled various parts of India till the 13th century.